Late in the afternoon of Saturday, November 29, 1947, the United Nations General Assembly approved the partition of Palestine and the creation of two states, one Arab and one Jewish. Barely 48 hours had passed and the Jews of Aleppo were victims of a violent pogrom.

    

Under the complacent gaze of the Syrian government and police authorities, synagogues were set on fire, including the Great Synagogue, where the famous Keter of Aram Tzoba, the Codex or Codex of Aleppo, was kept, the pride of the community. Furthermore, several Jewish institutions, as well as commercial establishments and residences, were victims of attack and vandalism. Thousands of Jews decide to leave Syria. The end was beginning for a community that, according to tradition, had been established in Aram Tzobá, the name of the city in the Torah, during the reign of David, when Joab Ben Zeruiá, his commander-in-chief, conquered the region. (See Morasha #26).

The background

The tragic events of December 1947 occurred practically a year after France recognized Syrian independence. After the end of the 1st. World War, when the country came under French rule, Arab nationalism grew, especially in Damascus. Present throughout the Middle East, this movement opposed colonialism and the Western policy of involvement in the Arab world.

In Syria, as in other Islamic countries, this nationalism ended up infected by violent anti-Zionism and consequent anti-Semitism. From the 1930s onwards, after Nazi Germany strengthened its ties with Syrian Arab leaders, anti-Jewish propaganda intensified in the country and especially in Damascus.

The Syrian nationalist movement was further strengthened when, in 1940, two professors trained at the Sorbonne in Paris, Michel Aflaq and Salah Bitar, founded the "Arab Renaissance Movement" in Damascus. A "discussion club" that, in 1947, would become the Baath (or Renaissance, in Arabic) party, still in power in Syria today. Despite preaching that the Arab nation should free itself from the harmful influence of the West, Aflaq and Bitar were fascinated by Nazi ideas and pan-Germanism. The great admiration that the movement had for Hitler led some groups, such as the Arab Nationalist Youth Organization, to maintain close contact with Nazi Germany. While the country was under French Mandate, local French authorities, even in Vichy times, defended Jews from attacks by extremist Arabs.

With the departure of the French, the new government adopted a series of restrictive measures against the Jews. Among these, the prohibition on emigrating to what was then Palestine and the restriction on the teaching of Hebrew in schools. Anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic propaganda was increasingly common on radio and newspapers, with records of acts of violence against Jews in Damascus.

The growing antagonism between Jews and Muslims in what was then Palestine further crystallized hostility against the Jews, and the climate of tension grew during the UN debates on the partition of the region and the creation of an independent Jewish state.

During the General Assembly debates, numerous Arab delegates made serious threats against the Jewish communities in these countries. On November 24, the Egyptian delegate, Heykal Pasha, declared: "The United Nations... must not forget the fact that the proposed solution could put at risk a million Jews living in Muslim countries... could come to create in these countries an anti-Semitism that is more difficult to eliminate than that which exists in Germany... making the UN responsible for very serious riots and the massacre of a large contingent of Jews"1.

The words of Al-Hussayni, a Palestinian observer at the UN, were no different. He warned the plenary that "the situation of Jews in the Arab world would become very precarious. Governments, in general, are not always able to avoid stirring up violence among the masses"2. According to the New York Times, as early as February 1947, Faris Al-Khuri, the Syrian delegate to the United Nations, had made threats: "We will have difficulty protecting the Jews in the Arab world."

The threats were not empty, as, throughout the Arab world, politicians had created a climate of hysteria, helped by the media that bombarded their readers with articles about Zionist "perfidy" and "danger".

Days of violence

On that November 29, 1947, in all parts of the world, Jews were attentive to the voices coming from the radio sets. As soon as the results of the vote were transmitted, there was jubilation and prayers of thanksgiving everywhere. Thousands took to the streets, hugging each other and crying. In Jerusalem, despite it being early in the morning when voting ended, a crowd was dancing and singing in the streets. Throughout the Arab world, however, the situation was tense, with frustration and resentment in the air taking over the masses, already inflamed by the speeches of the most exalted leaders.

In Aleppo, on Sunday, November 30, the day after the vote, the Arab population woke up calm. Despite it being a working day, the authorities had closed the city, leaving Arabs and Jews at home. But the next day, Monday, the streets were taken over by groups of excited Arabs. The government, which had given orders that no Jews were to be killed or injured, authorized the attack and destruction of any property belonging to them. Having received the green light from the authorities, they then began to invade, destroy and burn, whether synagogues, places of study, schools or homes. Stores owned by Jews were marked and then looted and destroyed. The violence that befell the city's Jews did not spare either the Great Synagogue or even the "Aleppo Codex".

The Great Synagogue is set on fire

In the book Aleppo, City Of Scholars, authored by Rabbi David Sutton, there are accounts of rabbis who witnessed the destruction and fire of the Great Synagogue, the oldest and still remaining part of which dates back to the 5th century CE.

In the early hours of that Monday morning, the 1st. In December, soldiers were deployed to the door and surrounding areas of the Great Synagogue to protect it, but the events that followed proved that the supposed protection was nothing more than a big farce.

According to a report by Rabbi Moshe Tawil, at the time director of Midrash Degel Torah, that morning, two community leaders, Rahmo Nehmad and Siahu Shamah, met with the city's mayor, who also held the position of police chief. At the meeting, they asked for guarantees and security for the community, with the mayor ensuring their protection against all dangers that could arise. However, Rabbi Tawil recalled, upon returning from the meeting, Shammah revealed that he realized that he could not trust the mayor's word.

As Chacham Haim Levi - at the time, director of the Talmud Torah and who would later occupy the post of Chief Rabbi in Argentina - attested - in the early afternoon of that same day, a crowd of angry Arabs gathered near the Great Synagogue , shouting: "Palestine is our land and the Jews are our dogs." These provocations did not provoke any reaction from local authorities.

In the late afternoon the synagogue was attacked. The most excited ones climbed on the shoulders of others, including soldiers, to get over the wall and enter the courtyard. As soon as they did, they threw open the synagogue gates and the angry crowd rushed inside.

Among those observing the terrible events were Rabbi Moshe Tawil, who lived in the Jamileyé neighborhood, and Rabbi Yitzhak Chehebar and his wife, who could see the Great Synagogue from the window of their home.

In less than half an hour, mad Arabs snatched 40 Torot from the seven Hechalot (Aaron Hacodesh) of the synagogue. They threw them into the courtyard, tore up the sacred scrolls and then set them on fire. Nearly two thousand tefillin were thrown into the same fire. The soldiers, in addition to not even trying to prevent the violence, encouraged and helped the vandalism.

When firefighters arrived to supposedly put out the fire that was already threatening to spread throughout the building, instead of using water to put out the fire, they threw diesel and kerosene on the sacred texts, fueling the flames.

Then, the Arab mob attacked Jewish homes, looting them and setting them on fire. The violence lasted throughout the night and only in the early hours of the morning did Syrian soldiers emerge to disperse the crowd.

Rabbi Moshe Tawil recalled that, the following day, the mayor and police chief - the same person who had "guaranteed" tranquility and security to the community - went to the location. "He arrived with a smile on his face and his expression didn't change when he saw the destruction. In fact, he didn't seem the least bit altered by what he saw, but he seemed satisfied, and continued to smile", the mournful rabbi added in his statement.

Keter is saved

The fire that hit the Great Synagogue damaged the Keter of Aram Tzoba, the oldest known manuscript of the complete text of the Torah. Zealously guarded for more than 600 years, within its walls, this Codex was kept in an iron safe, inside the place called the Cave of Eliahu Hanavi. He was so careful that very few people were allowed to consult him.

Keter was recovered and saved by members of the community, but due to the confusion in the city, the exact sequence of events is not known for sure. Nine different accounts were identified by researcher Amnon Shamosh, author of the book The Story of the Aleppo Codex.

What is known is that, for a few days, the Jews did not have access to the synagogue, because, after the flames destroyed a large part of its structure, the army took control of the place, prohibiting the entry of Jews. According to one version, it was Mordechai Faham, an important character in the story of Keter, who, disguised as a Bedouin, entered the synagogue and saved the manuscript before the fire consumed it. He then handed it over to the shamash of the synagogue who took it to Moshe Mizrahi, Chief Rabbi of Aleppo.

Others, however, say that Keter was abandoned in the ruins for four days, until the Jews were allowed to enter the place. The first were a group of rabbis who found the manuscript in a pile of ash and rubble. In this first group were Rabbis Sadek Harari and Yaakob Attiah, as well as Rabbis Moshe Tawil, Yitzhak Chehebar and Shelomo Zafrani, who, over the next ten years, would play a fundamental role, as they were the ones who managed to hide the Keter in different locations until it was removed. it from the city. The rabbis soon discovered that many of its pages were missing; Of the original 487 pages, only 295 were recovered. However, they gathered all the material and handed it over to Chief Rabbi Moshe Mizrahi. He immediately took him to the house of a Christian friend, the Austrian consul. As soon as the situation stabilized, the precious manuscript was hidden among merchandise, in a storeroom belonging to Yaakob Hazan, secretary of the community. Over the next ten years, on several occasions the Syrian government even asked Rabbi Tawil about the whereabouts of Keter, to which he replied that it had been destroyed.

In 1957, Rabbis Moshé Tawil and Shlomo Zaafrani gave the precious manuscript to Mordehai Faham who took it secretly to Turkey and, from there, finally, to Jerusalem, in 1958. Arriving in Israel, it was handed over to the Ben-Zvi Institute and placed in a special, air-conditioned compartment. And in 1986 it was taken for restoration to the laboratories of the Israel Museum, where it began to be exhibited.

The end of a community

Although numbers vary, it is believed that around 10 Jews lived in Aleppo in November 1947. The violent pogrom left a heavy toll. 18 synagogues, 150 homes, 50 stores, 5 schools, an orphanage and a youth center had been razed. They had burned 1.500 Sifrei Torahs and a large number of books and manuscripts. The material damage caused by the destruction was estimated at US$2,5 million at the time.

Although there were several instances of solidarity on the part of Arab neighbors and friends, the events of those first days of December 1947 were a very clear sign that Jewish life in Syria would become increasingly precarious and dangerous. Thousands decide to leave Aleppo as quickly as possible. More than 6 left the city in the days and months that followed, most crossing the borders to Turkey and Lebanon, where they settled or continued on to Israel, Europe, the United States or South America.

They left the city, like fugitives, clandestinely, never to return. They closed the doors trying not to attract the attention of their Arab neighbors and left. They left everything behind - properties, shops, money and souvenirs. They could not take anything with them that would give rise to the suspicion that they were fleeing. Some left disguised as Arabs or Bedouins. Many went by train to Lebanon or by car along one of the two roads that led to Beirut. On several occasions the authorities even stopped the transports carrying the Jews, but, after appeals made by influential members of the Jewish community, they changed their mind, allowing them to continue their journey.

The situation worsened after the creation of the State of Israel in 1948.

The Jews became true hostages of the authorities; persecution and discrimination became increasingly severe and common. Despite the ban on leaving Syria, the leaders organized themselves to facilitate the departure. The risks were great, since, if captured, a Jew who tried to escape could be executed or sentenced to life in prison, with forced labor. In 1950, three years after the pogrom, only 4 Jews still lived in Aleppo; in 1960 there were a thousand and, today, the number of those who remain there is insignificant. The Great Synagogue was partially rebuilt in 1992, and a plaque commemorates the tragic events of December 1947.

REFERENCES

· Beker, Avi - The Forgotten Narrative: Jewish Refugees from Arab Countries, Jewish Political Studies Review, 2005, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs

· Rabbi Sutton, David, Aleppo, City Of Scholars, Mesorah Publication Ltd